A stable, fair and efficient financial framework for the European Union can only be established if full-blown taxing powers are assigned to the Union. There are very good reasons why both Member States and European citizens might find a ‘European savings income tax’ attractive
A sense of haplessness, together with a short-sighted desire to find a quick fix for economic problems, has prompted a growing number of European policy makers and commentators to focus their fear and confusion on a new target: the euro
The purpose of this analysis is to describe the new force, the European Gendarmerie Force, which undoubtedly is to become a valuable asset in all kinds of crisis management operations. We will review what it involves, how it was created, what are its lines of action and, finally, its place within the European framework
When the French referendum on the European Constitution is considered from abroad it appears to be full of paradoxes. First, although the major political parties have officially endorsed the text, there is still an enormous uncertainty as to the outcome. All the polls since mid-march have indeed placed the ‘no’ side in a leading position. Secondly, although only the first two parts of the text present new elements, the debate has so far centered on the third part. Some of the basic principles of the Rome Treaty of 1957, such as free competition and the four freedoms of movement now appear excessively liberal to be ‘engraved’ in a constitution. Thirdly, despite the intensity of the debate the campaign has mainly focused on issues that are unrelated to the Constitution (for instance, the Bolkestein directive and Turkish membership of the EU). These paradoxes underscore the need to analyse the ongoing French debate and to advance a few explanatory factors.
Cultural policies in Europe: a compendium of basic facts and trends is a web-based and permanently updated information and monitoring system in Europe.
The impact of the ‘3/11’ terrorist attacks (March 11, 2004) on the Spanish elections held three days later has been the subject of speculation of all kinds. Twelve months later, the time has now come to compare and contrast the hypotheses that have attempted to explain an unexpected electoral result. New data is provided here to help determine the direction and the magnitude of the influence of the attacks on the March 14 elections
A voter turnout rate of 42.3% was registered in the referendum on the European Constitution. Analysis of the available data leads to the following conclusions. First, territorial distribution patterns were very similar to those of the latest European elections. Second, voter turnout revealed a clear sociological profile: abstention was greatest among women, people under 25 years of age, people with the lowest educational levels, the unemployed and housewives. Abstention can thus be interpreted more as a sign of indifference than of rejection. Third, turnout was highest among voters sympathetic to leftist ideology and fourth, an unusually high number of blank and spoiled ballots were cast.
In contrast with other European economies such as the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden and the UK, the reunified Germany was unable to solve its severe labour market crisis during the 1990s. It was only at the end of the 1990s that Germany also started reforms and enhanced employability as a new goal of its labour market policy, thereby following the approach of its neighbours and the forecasted European employment strategy. In 2005 the latest labour market reforms came into force with Hartz IV. In order to describe the new relations between citizens and the welfare state implied by the so-called activating ‘labour market policy’, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder coined the slogan ‘Challenge and Support’. In the following analysis we will try to understand this German way towards employability
Despite the huge majority in favour of the European Constitution, the low turnout (42.32%, ie, seventeen points lower than turnout in 1986 when Spain’s membership of NATO was at stake) calls into question the Government’s two objectives in calling the referendum. The referendum has neither served to open a new space of democratic participation for Spanish society, nor will it serve to export enthusiasm to the rest of the EU in regard to ratification of the Constitutional Treaty. By breaking the psychological barrier of 40% turnout, the referendum cannot be described as a failure, but in view of such low participation the dual purpose can hardly be said to have been fulfilled
After years of consensus on European issues in our country, the process of ratifying the European Constitution has revealed significant differences regarding the European Union. The new dissensus on Europe is visible in the three main points of the political debate: at the civic level, in the growing distance between the opinions and attitudes of the political class, on one hand, and citizens on the other; in terms of ideology, in the appearance of major tension between the left and the right, but also –and this is new– within the left and the right; and finally, at the territorial level, in the discrepancies over tactics and principles among old and new nationalist parties. In these circumstances, it is reasonable to wonder if the first victim of this new dissensus will be the referendum on the European Constitution. And if so, what will the consequences be?
It is well known that Europe has ‘internal’ communication difficulties. The EU does not have a ‘face’, a figurehead or political symbol that unequivocally identifies it. If this is true within the EU itself, then what about elsewhere? Europe is the ‘metrosexual’ superpower, which has renounced military and aggressive supremacy as embodied by the US. This stereotype, which was already part of Europe’s self-image as a ‘civilian power’ in the 60s, has returned to the fore. As Europeans, we think that our continent may have been strengthened by the US’s image crisis. But is this the case? How is Europe perceived outside its own borders and those of the United States?
The EU Commission and the EU’s leaders are now persuaded that Turkey has made sufficient progress on fulfilling the so-called ‘Copenhagen Political criteria’ regarding democracy, human rights and legal reforms. The European Parliament adopted the resolution for the opening of negotiations with Turkey on December 15, 2004