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Europe - WP |
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The European Union’s External Action Service (WP)
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WP 46/2008 (Translated from Spanish) - 19/5/2009
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Natividad Fernández Sola
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The European Union’s international representation under the primary law now in force, and the way this has been put into practice both by the EU and the European Community before it, are clear reflections of the institutional complexity and partial integration – by sectors and in different phases – that the bloc has suffered from since its creation. Today, this representation can be three-fold, carried out by the European Commission, the Council and member states. Within the second of these, it can be implemented by two different institutions: the High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy (the so-called Mr. or Mrs. CFSP) and the Presidency.
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European Union Scenarios for 2017 (WP)
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WP 39/2008 - 22/8/2008
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Antonio Estella
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At the Brussels European Council of 14 December 2007, the EU Member States decided to convoke a ‘reflection group’ on the future of the EU. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the debate on the future of Europe to be generated by this European Council initiative.
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The Lisbon Treaty: A Preliminary Study (WP)
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WP 27/2008 - 11/6/2008
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José Martín y Pérez de Nanclares
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In 2007 the Heads of State and Government of the 27 Member States of the EU signed a Treaty by virtue of which the European Union Treaty (EUT) and the constitutional Treaty of the European Community Treaty (ECT) were modified, opening a new process of ratification which, if successful, should lead in 2009 to a new reformed EUT and to a Draft Treaty of the European Union (DTEU) to replace the present ECT. This implies the possible end to one of the gravest crises ever suffered in the process of European integration.
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Turkey’s Conundrum: Are the Country’s Versions of Secularism and Political Islam Compatible? (WP)
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WP 24/2008 - 26/5/2008
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William Chislett
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Two concepts of secularism are on trial in Turkey, where the Constitutional Court is studying a case to ban the ruling Justice and Development party (AKP). Whatever the outcome of the case, it will intensify the growing cleavage between the AKP and the secular establishment and hence have repercussions on Turkey’s already protracted bid to become a full member of the European Union (EU).
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Kosovo’s Independence from the Perspective of the Right to Free Determination (WP)
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WP 7/2008 (Translated from Spanish) - 10/4/2008
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Romualdo Bermejo García and Cesáreo Gutiérrez Espada
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The political situation in Kosovo grew more complicated as the deadline approached for agreeing on a statute
to define its future. Intense debate is guaranteed because
whatever solution is agreed for Kosovo’s status will serve as a
precedent for similar cases in Europe and elsewhere.
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The Europeanisation of Spain (1986-2006) (WP)
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WP 39/2007 - 5/11/2007 (Translated from Spanish)
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Sonia Piedrafita, Federico Steinberg, José I. Torreblanca
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This article summarises the transformations that Spain has undergone since it joined the European Community and presents the main challenges facing the country, both at home and abroad. A set of especially significant indicators have been chosen for this discussion of Spain’s transformation and its rapid process of economic modernisation and Europeanisation.
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Europe’s Place in Economic Globalisation (WP)
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WP 34/2007 - 05/11/2007 (Translated from Spanish)
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Federico Steinberg
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The data show that the EU, which still has a significant weight and influence in the world economy, looks "condemned" to lose them gradually due to the rise of emerging powers and the greater dynamism of the US. The only solution is to strengthen the EU and have it speak with one voice to the rest of the world.
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Relations Between Europe and Latin America: In Search of New Agendas and Formats (WP)
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WP 43/2007 - 5/10/2007
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Günther Maihold
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The countries of Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean, seen traditionally as ‘natural partners’ and linked by a ‘strategic partnership’, have developed a new network of contacts and exchanges in tandem with the EU’s new role as a global player. But these relations between Latin America/Caribbean and the EU seem to have entered into a phase of stagnation.
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Solutions to the Current Constitutional Impasse in the European Union: the 'Reduced Treaty' Option (WP)
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WP 16/2007 - 7/5/2007
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José Martín y Pérez de Nanclares
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Almost two years after the referendums in France (29 May 2005) and the Netherlands (1 June 2005), the European Union (EU) is still in a state of confusion. We could continue to pontificate about whether or not a genuine crisis exists. Unfortunately, however, the time for reflection is over, and the moment has come for the constitutional question to be tackled head on.
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From Threat to Opportunity: Making Flexible Integration Work (WP)
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WP 25/2006 - 10/10/2006
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Julia De Clerck-Sachsse, Sebastian Kurpas, José I. Torreblanca and Gaëtane Ricard-Nihoul
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This paper argues for a thorough reappraisal of flexibility as an instrument of integration and outlines the conditions under which it would help the enlarged EU to move forward. Too often in the past, flexibility has been used as an (efficient) threat to induce reluctant or laggard member states to keep pace with the integration process. Therefore, it should not come as a surprise that flexibility has such a poor image in many member states.
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Turkey's EU Accesion Negotiations: On the Rocks (WP)
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WP 19/2007 - 15/9/2006
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William Chislett
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The first year of Turkey's negotiations to join the European Union have not gone well. The main sticking point is the deadlock over Cyprus, but there are other issues such as freedom of the press and freedom of religion. Meanwhile, there is growing opposition to Turkey's membership among the public at large in the EU-25 and Turks themselves are less keen on joining.
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The European Union and Economic Reforms: The Case of Spain (WP)
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WP 8/2006 - 30/05/2006
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Sebastián Royo
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This paper examines Spain’s integration experience in the European Union in order to study how integration has affected its economic structures and economic performance. It examines the relationship between regional integration, economic growth and economic reforms in this country, and draws some lessons based on its EU integration experience. In particular it looks at the impact of European Monetary Union (EMU) on the Spanish economy. The examination of the Spanish case will show that the process of economic reforms must be a domestic process led by domestic actors willing to carry them out
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What Prospects for the European Constitutional Treaty?
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WP25-2005 - 13.5.2005
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Sebastian Kurpas, Marco Incerti, Justus Schönlau, Julia De Clerck-Sachsse (EPIN)
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The ratification process of the Constitutional Treaty has taken some unexpected turns, since the publication of the EPIN's initial report. The situation has changed especially dramatically in France. The report concluded that
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Farewell to Funds? Keys to Understanding Spain’s Position When Negotiating the 2007-13 EU Budget
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José I. Torreblanca
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WP21-2005 - 9.5.2005
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Provided that the French vote “Yes” in the referendum on the 29th May, the European Council meeting in June this year is set out for reaching a budgetary deal for the 2007-2013. However, as economic stagnation in the Euro-area leads the richest EU countries to increasingly see the way out of their economic problems in reducing their contribution to the EU budget, Spain runs the risk of bearing in solitaire the burden of Eastern enlargement. Having been agricultural expenditure shielded from any substantial cuts due to the Franco-German agreement of October 2002, most of the money currently on the negotiation table is the cohesion and structural money from which Spain benefits so much. Because Spain risks to become a net contributor to the budget before having reached real convergence with the EU-15, the negotiations on the next financial perspectives (2007-2013) can be depicted as the most crucial of all those which Spain has been involved so far. Why so?
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War, Terrorism and Elections: Electoral Impact of the Islamist Terror Attacks on Madrid
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WP13-2005 - 6.4.2005 (Translation from Spanish)
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Narciso Michavila
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The impact of the ‘3/11’ terrorist attacks (March 11, 2004) on the Spanish elections held three days later has been the subject of speculation of all kinds. Twelve months later, the time has now come to compare and contrast the hypotheses that have attempted to explain an unexpected electoral result. New data is provided here to help determine the direction and the magnitude of the influence of the attacks on the March 14 elections
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Spanish Ratification Monitor (WP)
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WP 8/2005 - 3/02/2005
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José I. Torreblanca and Alicia Sorroza
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This working paper is the collaboration of the Elcano Royal Institute’s Europe Area to the Ratification Monitor Project with the framework of the European Policy Institutes Network (EPIN, www.epin.org) to which the Institute belongs. This National Survey provides comprehensive and easy access to the Spanish national debate around the ratification process of the Constitutional Treaty (Updated on 21 February).
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Adapting to a New Funding Relationship with Europe: Spain and Cohesion Policy
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WP53-2004 - 29.9.2004
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Keith Salmon
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Spain has enjoyed substantial net inflows of money from the European Union (EU) since accession in 1986, contributing to a strong growth performance relative to other EU member states. Specifically, as one of the poorer countries in the EU, Spain has attracted large sums of money through Cohesion Policy (embodying the Structural Funds and the Cohesion Fund). However, strong economic growth over the last decade has closed the income gap with the EU reducing eligibility for funding while raising payments to the EU budget
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Turkey’s EU Membership: The Moment of Truth
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WP17-2004 - 19.10.2004
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William Chislett
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The European Commission took a momentous decision in October when it recommended, with certain conditions, that accession talks start with Turkey, the most secular state among the Islamic nations created by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in 1923 from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire. The decision, however, has to be endorsed by the leaders of the European Union (EU) member states at their meeting in Brussels on December 17. No other country seeking full EU membership has stirred up as many passions in favour or against its entry as Turkey
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The Three Logics of EU Enlargement: Interests, Identities and Arguments
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WP51-2004 - 15.9.2004
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Sonia Piedrafita and José I. Torreblanca
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Five rounds of enlargement have now been completed. The original European Economic Community has grown from Six to Twenty-Five members and the process has not yet come to an end. Still, we know very little about how enlargement processes work and how their effects are felt by and transmitted to the European Union
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Spain and Portugal: From Distant Neighbours to Uneasy Associates
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WP46-2004 - 2.9.2004
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William Chislett
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Spain and Portugal lived back to back for some 300 years until they came face to face when both joined the European Union in 1986. Since then the two economies have increasingly converged. Trade and direct investment between the two countries is now very strong. Spain exports to its neighbour almost as much as it does to the United States and the whole of Latin America, and it is a major investor in the country. Spain is also Portugal's largest export market
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Spain and European Union Constitution-building
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WP45-2004 - 27.8.2004
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Raj S. Chari, Alfonso Egea de Haro, Kenneth Benoit and Michael Laver
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The broad objective of this paper is to better understand how national governments form their policy position on the Draft Constitutional proposal by analysing developments in Spain. It examines the Spanish position on various parts of the European Convention based on data from expert interviews carried out in November 2003. It then evaluates the internal coordination process, focusing on the few domestic-level actors (from the Prime Ministers’ Office and the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Economy) that have been most influential in shaping Spain’s position. Finally, it ponders the potential shift in the Spanish position given the recent Socialist victory in March 2004.
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The impact of the Argentine crisis on the Spanish economy
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WP32-2004 - 1.4.2004
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Jorge Blázquez and Miguel Sebastián
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This report undertakes the first quantitative assessment of the impact of the Argentine crisis on the Spanish economy in terms of gross domestic product. The conclusion reached is that in the period 1999-–2002 Spain’s GDP would have risen an additional 0.8% were it not for the crisis
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Cultural policies in Europe: The Spanish case
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WP24-2004 - 7.4.2004
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Elcano Royal Institute
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Cultural policies in Europe is a web-based and permanently updated information and monitoring system of national cultural policies in Europe, initiated by the Council of Europe. The country profile of Spain was coordinated and edited by the Real Instituto Elcano from an agreement with the Ministry of Culture and contributions by a group of experts
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Spanish Policy on Latin America in 2002
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WP23-2004 - 4.5.2004
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Celestino del Arenal
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The relationship between Spain and Latin America is unique, complex and multidimensional. It runs deeper than diplomacy, politics and economics, and involves not only governments, but also a wide range of other, non-official players. In the final analysis, the relationship is not so much based on geo-strategy or security needs, or even economic reasons –although these factors are of increasing importance– but rather on linguistic, cultural and historical ties, as well as an affinity with Latin America at all levels
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The Spanish Economic Experience: Lessons and Warnings for Latin America
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WP20-2004 - 3.5.2004
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Paul Isbell
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Ever since the collapse of the communist system, Spain has become a frequent point of reference for societies engaged in a transition to market democracy. Countries from the former ‘second’ and ‘third’ worlds have increasingly pointed to Spain as a possible model for their own democratic and market reforms
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The Geopolitics of Oil in Euroasia
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WP4-2004 - 14.1.2004
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Robert E. Ebel
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In today’s context, national security and energy security are so closely intertwined that it is inconceivable to consider them as separate issues. Energy-importing governments seek energy security –or security of supply– through the diversity of supply and the diversity of fuels consumed. Any oil- or gas-importing nation has limited choices when it comes to energy security. The United States imports oil from some 60 different suppliers, although this diversity is misleading, for it masks the importance of the Persian Gulf. Although a full substitute has yet to be found, and may never be, supplies from Russia and from the Caspian Sea are becoming increasingly important
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The NATO-EU Strategic Partnership
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WP15-2003 - 10.6.2003 (Translation from Spanish)
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José Luis Andrés Martín
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The emergence of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) early in the 90s and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) late in the 90s has added complexity to the European Security Architecture. Although provided with a clear political aim from the outset, as an instrument of the CFSP, the operational implications of ESDP are being laid down on an empirical basis. To add further complexity, NATO/ESDP relationship has been established in principle, but with no formal empirical image.
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Soft Power vs. Hard Power? The Transatlantic Military Capabilities Gap and the Future of US-European Security Relations
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WP5-2003 - 17.1.2003
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Martin Agüera
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The American defense efforts outreach the Europeans’ by far. Even a NATO Response Force, where both sides of the Atlantic harmonize training and requirements in the long run, will not change that. The situation has been like this for some time and the effects of September 11th have accelerated the military capabilities gap. A justified concern is that the existing gap in capabilities cannot be closed. The question is whether or not it needs to be closed at all.
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Security and Defence Reform and the Roles of the State Institutions (WP)
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WP 1/2003 - 10/01/2003
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Zvonimir Mahecic
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Successfully executed security and defence reform can be considered as one of the most important paths towards achieving the goal of political, economic and social transition. In that sense, successful reform will help transitional countries to find their own security identity and bolster their position in the international security arena. It is also one of the most important and contributing factors of national reconstruction, a goal long overdue in many of the nations in South East Europe.
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The Third Spanish Presidency of the EU in Comparative Perspective (WP)
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WP 12/2002 - 8/11/2002
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Carlos Closa
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This chapter compares the three Presidencies so far held by Spain with the aim of assessing the factors that may condition the Presidential performance of a Member State. Comparison permits the identification of continuities and change in political attitudes, priorities and the underlying conception of the process of European integration. Since Spain has held the Presidency of the EU on only two other occasions (1989 and 1995), a detailed analysis of these tenures is possible, although this circumstance reduces the depth of the cases considered, which may prevent us from reaching any definitive conclusions.
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The Spanish Presidency of 2002 and the European Union's Eastern Enlargement: a Lesson on the Potentials and Limits of EU Presidencies
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WP14-2002 - 11.11.2002
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José I. Torreblanca
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The 2002 Spanish Presidency of the European Union conveys an important lesson for both academic researchers and policy practitioners. The Spanish government, having adopted an instrumental approach to the Presidency, attempted to advance as much as possible its domestic agenda on a wide variety of policy issues in which its preferences were overtly domestic or party-oriented. Quite unexpectedly, however, while it failed to advance a good part of this agenda at the European level, it did rather well on the two issues which reflected a true and uncontested European interest: the launch of the euro and enlargement negotiations. Whether and when the Stability Pact ran into trouble and enlargement negotiations stalled, the Presidency was not blamed for it and, at the same time, domestic performance scored well above the average. Paradoxically enough, Spain's national victories were obtained when defending European interests, not when advancing its domestic agenda at the European level. If this pattern is proven to hold, in other cases, proposals for reforming the Presidency should duly take it into account and strengthen the instruments which could help Presidencies solve problems of collective action and provide European public goods.
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The Internationalisation of the Euro: State of Affairs and Critical Issues (WP)
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WP 25/2003 - 12/09/2003
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Paul Isbell
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The most recently available data suggests that the international role of the euro has grown since its inception as the European Union’s single currency. Nevertheless, for a variety of reasons, progress towards a more prominent international role has been only gradual. No significant changes have yet been documented (although anecdotal evidence is beginning to become more common) with respect to the euro’s presence within official reserves or its use in foreign exchange markets. On the other hand, use of the euro appears to have increased noticeably in trade transactions and significantly in global debt securities markets.
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Spain, the European Union and Latin America: Governance and Identity in the Making of 'New' Inter-Regionalism (WP)
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WP 9/2002 - 8/11/2002
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Jean Grugel
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Contemporary forms of European inter-regionalist relations with
developing countries have their origins in the 1970s. The emergence of
the so-called 'new regionalism' in the 1990s in response to the
transformation of the global order contributed in turn to a
transformation of inter-regionalism. Hanggi (2000) argues that, far
from being superseded by new regionalism, multi-layered inter-regional
arrangements should be understood as its corollary. Nevertheless, the
'new' inter-regionalism has so far gone relatively unexamined.
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Spain: From Protectionism to Advocacy of Liberalisation (WP)
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WP 10/2002 - 8/11/2002
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Dr Keith Salmon
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Liberalisation, which had been making inroads into this environment since the 1960s, mainly in terms of international trade, quickened in Spain during the 1980s and stepped up a gear in the 1990s. In the first six months of 2002, as holder of the Presidency of the European Council, it was given a platform on which to display its leadership in this area. The following discussion looks at the process of liberalisation, the particular character, tensions and contradictions of liberalisation within Spain and the contribution of the Spanish Presidency. It concludes with an assessment of the credibility of Spain as an advocate of liberalisation.
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The Lisbon Agenda: Progress and Prospects
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WP14-2003 - 24.3.2003
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Eoin Gahan
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This working paper is intended to analyse the status of the so-called Lisbon Agenda, the programme of action adopted by the EU member states at the Lisbon Council meeting in October 2000. This programme set a target for the EU to become the most competitive region of the world by 2010, and listed a series of actions to be undertaken to achieve that goal. This paper first reviews the agenda itself, summarises and assesses its priorities, and then briefly reviews the way in which the agenda was adopted
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For a Strenthening of European Union Foreign and Security Policy
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WP6-2002 - 7.10.2002
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Martin Ortega
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In spite of their voluntary participation in an economic and political integration process, Member States preserve their constitutional system and many traditional competencies, including the most notable ones of foreign relations, security and defence. This therefore generates cohabitation between the new animal and the States that do not reflect the classic model, since they have willingly accepted the loss of some protagonism in order to cede it to the Union.
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Spanish membership of the European Union revisited (WP)
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WP 2/2002 - 17/06/2002
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Charles Powell
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In recent years the focus of analysis on Spain and the EC/EU has begun to shift towards considerations of Spain as an actor within the EC/EU, and hence its contribution to the overall process of European integration.
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The Spanish Presidency of the Council of the European Union 2002 and the Relaunching of the Barcelona Process
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WP5-2002 - 8.11.2002 (Translation from Spanish)
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Manuel Montobbio
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Has the Spanish presidency of the Council of the European Union during the first half of 2002 achieved its goal of relaunching the Barcelona Process and generating the political impetus to make its plans a reality? Is the Valencia Action Plan the road map for this journey? What has this really meant in terms of the development of the Process and the configuration of the international system in the Mediterranean?
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Time for Spain to Support a New Direction on the Common Agricultural Policy?
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WP18-2002 - 23.12.2002
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Keith Salmon
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During the lifetime of all farm workers in Spain, the agricultural sector has been highly regulated and protected. In the 1980s the regulatory framework that had evolved during the Franco regime was replaced by that of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Community.
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